To Japanese colonialists, scholars, and common Koreans influenced by and educated through the Japanese colonial historical perspective, Kwangmoo and Yunghee Emperor were powerless, impotent monarchs in the face of the Japanese forces. This kind of estimation corresponds exactly to that of the Daehan Empire under Japanese colonialism, which intentionally negated the positive role of these two emperors. However, we have to reconsider and re-evaluate this estimation. We can pose two political statuses, namely those of an “instrument of Japanese colonial domination” (Instrument) and a “symbol of anti-colonial resistance” (Symbol). Yunghee Emperor became a new emperor of the Daehan Empire under the Japanese in the era of the Residency-General, and played the role of Instrument to his death by the Japanese powers, who tried to use this emperor and the Royal Chamber itself. Paradoxically, and regardless of the Japanese intention, Yunghee also played the role of Symbol to oppressed common Koreans. We can confirm this role in the Royal South Tour and the Royal West Tour in 1907, as well as the Royal Tomb Tour in 1917. In the Royal Dance and Music for his 50th Birthday Party, the Instrumental meaning was greater than the Symbolic meaning due the Japanese Government General’s ability to distort these two art forms. It is a general estimation that Yunghee’s political status was that of an Instrument rather than a Symbol in the eras of both the Residency-General and the Government General. The Instrument status is practical, positive, and general, whereas the Symbol status is symbolic, negative, and partial. To the Japanese colonialists, Yunghee was an Instrument, and his status as a Symbol was permitted to a limited extent for common Koreans. However, we can deepen this Symbolic role through the further research.

The congratulatory party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of the birth of King Sunjong took place at Injeongjeon Hall in Changdeokgung Palace on March 25, 1923, during the period of Japanese Occupation. As the royal family would not hold any big events after the demise of King Sunjong in 1926, it was the last event by which one can track changes in the parties of the Joseon Dynasty. This was different from the usual parties of Joseon Dynasty. The changes involved the venue, as it was not held at Jeongjeon (the courtyard for the main building) but instead took place inside Donghaenggak and Injeongjeon placed in the corner, and it also involved the serving luncheon and dinner, with participants seated at two rows of Western-style tables. Such changes distinguished the party from the previous Jinyeon (palatial party) of the Joseon Dynasty. Despite such changes in the royal ceremonies, in contrast to the Korean Empire, specific norms were not adopted in the period of Japanese Occupation. The modernizing changes to the ceremonies between the Korean Empire and the period of Japanese Occupation show how the Joseon tradition developed into the modern tradition. Presumably, there were changes to the music and dance used at the party, but details on such alterations cannot be found. At the event, eleven instrumental pieces－including Taepyeongchunjigok－and seven pieces of Mudong jeongjae (“court dance music with a boy dancer”) were performed. Instrumental music and Mudong jeongjae were presented at both luncheon and dinner. When Mudong jeongjae was performed at the party, it drew attention, as this represented a restoration of a presentation that had been removed from the royal protocol 20 or so years before. Moreover, the students of Yiwangjik aakbu (“Office of the Yi Dynasty’s Ceremonial Music”) were trained to perform for the event, which was significant in that has carried the tradition of Mudong jeongjae up to the present times. Having considered the performance of Mudong jeongjae following the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, Yiwangjik aakbu performed in Kyoto. Moreover, having been performed at the Kyoto presentation, Jangsaengboyeonjimu was learned by a Japanese dancer. Based on this, Miyako Odori was created in Japan. The work was performed at the exposition that not only marked the participation in World Expo but also celebrated the marriage of Hirohito and the 15th anniversary of the Korea－Japan annexation. Aalthough Mudong jeongjae was restored for the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, it was one of the projects that was presumably planned and prepared for such purposes. Despite its changes, the ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, including the party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, are highly significant in that they were crucial in carrying traditional Korean music up to the present times. Nevertheless, musicians’ strenuous efforts to carry the traditional music through the period of Japanese Occupation should not be regarded as just one of the musical characteristics of the period or reenacted in an optimistic manner. When considering the court ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, the context of what happened to Yiwangjik aakbu should first understand; this will allow us to determine which parts of the ceremonies are to be carried on and which parts are to be objectively described.

This study investigates the background, contents, and choreographic style of the Mudong (舞童) Jungjae (呈才) performed at the 50th birthday banquet of King Soonjong, the last emperor of the Korean Empire. Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹), Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞), Yeonbaekbokjjimu (演百福之舞), Mugo (舞鼓), Pogurak (抛毬樂), Bosangmu (寶相舞), Suyeonjang (壽延長), Chunaengjeon (春鶯囀), and Cheoyongmu (處容舞) were performed at the banquet held on March 25, 1923, on King Soonjong’s birthday. Among them, Cheoyongmu was excluded from this study, as it was separately studied and performed by Aaksu (雅樂手) and five physically fit Aakseng (雅樂生) students from the first-year class of the Aakdae training school. Thus, this study examines eight Jungjae dances that were performed by Aakseng students who were selected as Mudong. The Korean Empire was colonized by Japan on August 29, 1910; following this, King Soonjong’s daily life was restricted through the control of Iwangjik (李王職), or the Office of the Yi Dynasty. This study examines Jungjae dances that were studied and performed by 11 Aakseng (雅樂生) Mudong; these were hastily put together for the 50th birthday of King Soonjong. Aakseng boys aged 13~19 years, who joined the Aakdae (雅樂隊) training school as the first-year and second-year class in the early winter of 1922. were abruptly enlisted to learn Jungjae dances. After five months, they performed for the king. This launched the dancing careers as Mudong for Aakseng students at the Aakdae training school within Iwangjik. The dances performed at the 50th birthday banquet of King Soonjong were mostly createdin 1828 and 1829. The story of these Jungjae dances included ① the love between husband and wife and ② a wish for the longevity and prosperity of the country. In addition, they comprised ③ entertaining elements that combined a wish for longevity with amusement, completing the broad variety of the dance. By the 29th year of King Gojong’s reign or the Imjin year of 1892, and following their performance at the 41st birthday banquet of King Gojong, the number of dancers for the Mudong Jungjae performance was finalized. The choreographic styles of the eight dances are discussed in greater detail below. The Mudong Jungjae of the Joseon Dynasty is said to have been passed down with great difficulty under political and cultural oppression during the Japanese colonial era. In this study, we propose to lay the groundwork for establishing a proper historical perspective on the dissemination of traditional dances through consideration of their background.

The most important element in the Cheoyongmu is the mask of Cheoyong. Even if all of the costumes are present, the performance is not considered Cheoyongmu without the mask. In the ninth volume of ancient record Akhak gwebeom, in the section titled “CheoyongGwanbokDoSeol,” the making of the mask is recorded in detail., as well as the costumes and accessories used in the Cheoyongmu. From 1394 to 1442 (Sejong ’24), Cheoyongmu actors were women; however, men performed the Cheoyongmu for 61 years, from 1443 (Sejong ’25) to 1504 (Yeonsan ’10). After that time, the Cheyongmu was performed by women again. As of 1504, the Cheoyong mask underwent a drastic development. The time-frame of this change was 11 years after the Akhakgwebeom was written. Under the Yeonsan kingdom, Cheoyongmu was recorded in greater detail, mainly because of the king’s great interest in the performance. The significant changes made to the Cheoyong mask also occurred because the performance attracted the king’s attention. One example of the change of the design can be found in the mask’s beard; in the description in “Pubyok pavilion banquet,” the Cheoyong mask has no beard, which is extraordinary because this became one of its most distinctive features. Another example is the protruding jaw of the mask. In the books of “Dobyoeng” and “Gyecheop,” the jaw part of the mask was significantly emphasized. All of these features contradict those mentioned in the Akhakgwebeom. The design of the Cheoyong mask was not concluded in the time of writing the Akhakgwebeom; instead, it underwent significant and constant change over time. During the Japanese occupationera, the mask design deviated from the original design used in the Chosun dynasty. The office of the “Aakubu” is known to have performed the Cheoyongmu; however, the mask and costumes were not consistent with the original version of the performance. This is considered to be a separate artwork rather than the Cheoyongmu. There is also a record showing that some Japanese people made Cheoyong masks in that era. Throughout the late Chosun dynasty, the design of the Cheoyong mask was distinct to what is believed to be the original. However, the exceptionally long jaw of the mask, as described in “Heon-jong-dae mu-sin-jin-chan-do-byung,” is no longer reproduced. Regarding the changes of the mask in this era, it the true original design of the Cheoyong mask remains controversial. This represents another cultural disturbance stemming from the enforced occupancy by Japan. In this regard, the study of the Cheoyong mask represents the recovery of the distorted tradition of our country. From studying the Akhakgwebeom, as well as other historical records, we are finding out about a variety of original designs of the Cheoyong mask, including a humorous version from the Chosun dynasty era.

Dance archives help researchers not only to understand performances, but also to promote related studies. Recently, dance archives have been produced and managed in some performances, although organizations producing and managing dance archives are still limited. Studies on the values and utilization of dance archives have to be carried out to understand and utilize dance archives. This study compared archives－Seongdanhyangui and Sajikseo Uigwe－and performances－Yeongseongje (2015) and Sakjikdaeje (2014)－to study the values and utilization of dance archives. The paper demonstrated that the archives value and cultural resources have inherent value in dance archives; it also analyzed cases of using its values.

The purpose of this study is to develop interdisciplinary research between dance studies and big data analysis. To this end, the text mining technique, which extracts meaningful information from text, was adopted as the research methodology. In the process of text mining, original PDF texts on the themes of Chum/Muyong(dance), morphological analysis, user dictionary construction, and social network analysis were collected to extract significant named entities and clarify the relations between them. The outcomes of the process, which comprised the extracted text data (total 10,231 copies), a named entity classification table, and a network of named entities, were loaded into the big data analysis system under development. The findings of the study are as follows: First, there were 25 total morpheme types, with 24,691 words with a frequency of more than 100. From these, a second morphemic analysis of sentences containing words such as “Chum” (춤), “Mu” (무), and “dance” (댄스) was conducted. It was revealed that in parts of speech with a frequency of 10 or more, there were 3,057 nouns, 602 proper nouns, 352 verbs, 205 numbers, 135 adjectives, and 35 adverbs. Second, a user dictionary was developed in the form of a taxonomy with stratification between hyperonym and hyponyms. The dictionary contained 2,404 words, which were classified by theme, person, dance piece, genre, theory, function, element, and period. Third, social network analysis revealed that the terms “Muyong,” “Chum,” and “arts and culture” were closely interconnected at the heart of the network. In contrast, dance deviated somewhat from the center. “Dance” was the only word to be connected with the network of dance sports and jazz. This study is significant because it represents the first attempt to apply text mining to written records on dance. In addition, it could suggest ways to expand the use of big data analysis to dance studies. Based on the study, a big data analysis system that is specialized in dance was developed, and the contents will be updated continuously.

The purpose of this study was to examine the state of choreography education as part of musical dance education in music departments in the United States, France, and South Korea to spread awareness about the necessity of creative choreography education to expedite the revitalization of the inclusive functions of dance in musical departments. In the United States, not only the theoretical dance classes but also advanced practical dance courses (tap, jazz, ballet, and modern dance) necessary for musical education are offered in a systemized way. Furthermore, other courses give students who have taken the practical courses the opportunity to produce their own works through creative choreography. All of these courses enable students to exert their creativity. Similarly, many creative dance courses are offered in France along with theoretical courses, although few professional dance techniques are taught in musical dance classes in professional arts schools specializing in theater in comparison with the case of the United States. Students who take creative dance courses are given a lot of time to produce their own works in collaboration with other fields. Indeed, they are educated to be fully aware of the roles of dance in works. In musical dance classes in South Korean colleges, however, there are generally no further attempts to provide opportunities to experience dance in the repertoires of existing musical works. Indeed, current musical choreography education is neither systematic nor professional enough to teach students to come up with creative, inclusive ideas through experiencing a wide variety of dance genres. Fundamentally, the curriculums of the musical departments aim to nurture the professional human resources necessary for musical production; dance choreography education should be integrated into and strengthened in these curriculums to foster actors who are skilled at acting, singing, and dancing. In addition, more cooperative programs should be prepared to provide opportunities to produce works in collaboration with other fields. In this way, competent human resources will develop into musical directors or producers who are aware that choreography is no longer a supplementary part of musical education but should rather be developed along with acting and music. As this sort of education is expected to nurture capable choreographers who can create choreography with an excellent understanding of drama, dance choreography education seems to be mandatory for a musical curriculum.

The subject of this study was Sasangjwa dance, the first part of the Bongsan mask dance, which is designated as No. 17 of the National Intangible Cultural Properties. The Sasangjwa dance is composed of dances that have no lines. Four sangjwas pray for the audience’s well-being and fortune, and at the same time, purify the stage by bowing to the Four Symbols. The dance is ceremonial and has characteristics of Byeoksajingyeong(which means to defeat bad things and approach good things. The Bongsan Mask-dance Drama Preservation Society’s regular performance has occurred continually for the past 69 years. Although the National Intangible Cultural Properties’ diverse activities have been performed for about 70 years, only a small amount of academic research on the first section of the Bongsan mask dance, the Sasangjwa dance, has been conducted. In addition, the terminology of the Bongsan Sasangjwa dance steps has not been established; therefore, linguistic communication is difficult in educational courses on the Sasangjwa dance. Accordingly, this study aims to record and arrange the Sasangjwa dance academically, present its dance scores, and establish terms for its dance steps, thereby providing a reference for future research. The terms for the dance steps of the Sasangjwa dance are indexed and arranged based on Akhakgwebeom and Jeongjaemudoholgi. Existing research has considered folklore mask dances to be irrelevant to Jeong-jae. However, this study considered the Sasangjwa dance according to its dance steps, formation, and scores and used Jeong-jae terminology to describe them. In the process, it was discovered that Jeong-jae terminology is implicative and uses referential and figurative language; this terminology was particularly convenient to explain the dance steps of the Sasangjwa dance, since the characteristics of traditional Jeong-jae were handed down to gisaengs, who adopted the Sasangjwa dance. During Japan’s colonial era, the Sasangjwa dance was performed by gisaengs at regional offices in place of the existing male mask dancers; as a result, the Sasangjwa dance was transformed into a feminine dance that was in obvious contrast with the Mokjoong dance. In this paper, the aim of establishing of dance step terminology for the Bongsan Sasangjwa dance was to facilitate the education of students and communication in general about the Sasangjwa dance.

This study investigated the family names of gakkge (musician families) and the status of appointment of each family name as recorded in the Appointment to the Chamber of Music (Gakuso Boin) in order to investigate important elements of Gagaku (Japanese Court Music). In addition, this study retraced the line of each family name. The Appointment to the Chamber of Music is a document that records the gakunin (musicians) who were appointed to the Chamber during a 153-year period between the late ancient era and the early Middle Ages. A total of 25 musician family names appear in this book. Of these families, five were most often appointed to gakuso (the Chamber of Music): Koma, Ono, Ogami, Toyohara, and Abe. In particular, the Koma line represents almost 30% of the people appointed, indicating that they were the most prestigious gakkge. In addition, of the 25 family names in the Appointment to the Chamber of Music, 22 were also recorded in the Newly Compiled Record of Clan Names (Shinsenshoujiroku). Of these 22 names, four are classified as originating from the Korean Peninsula line: Toyohara, Koma, Kudara, and Miyake. In turn, these names were further subdivided into 11 related family names: Toyohara was divided into Toyoharatsurane; Koma was divided into Komanoobito, Komanomiyasuko, Komasomebe, and Komahito; Kudara was divided into Kudaraason, Kudarako, Kudarao, Kudaraki, and Kudarauji; and Miyake was divided into Miyaketsurane. In a similar way, the Japanese Aak world has experienced repeated succession and severance of member families as a result of various social and political changes. The institutionalization of so-called Sanpogakuso defended gagaku during the ups and downs of succession and severance, and a large number of Sanpogakunin in Sanpogakuso were musicians with a Korean Peninsula line family name. In the modern era, since 1873, as gagaku was opened to people other than gakkge, and the system of transmission was no longer based on hereditary succession, musicians appeared who did not hail from a musician family, such as Horikawa Hisatami. As a result, gakunin who do not descend from gakkge have represented approximately half of the 26 gakunin in the Board of the Ceremonies of the Imperial Household Agency. Nonetheless, gakunin, including Ue Sanemichi, whose origins are in the Korean Peninsula, have remained active in the Japanese Aak world to the present day.

The purpose of this study is to vigorously investigate international developments in Korean Dance by domestic private dance troupes. The study is based on the performance records of private international dance troupes from the early 2000s, troupes that were active since 1980. The Chang Mu Dance Company and the Didim Dance Company are among Korea’s leading performers and feature dancers who play a prominent role in the globalization of Korea by presenting performances that captivate audiences around the world. The recent Korean Wave may also trace its origins to the popularity of these dance troupes.