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Aspects of the Yiwangjik-Aakbu Court Dance
이왕직 아악부의 궁중무 전승
DOI:10.26861/sddh.2016.42.9Asian Dance Journal
Vol.42
pp.9-36
This paper presents an investigation of the transmission patterns of court dance at Yiwangjik-Aakbu during Japanese rule. The study first examined Yiwangjik-Aakbu in the context of the Yiwangjik organization, which was established to manage the royal Lee family during Japanese rule. Yiwangjik-Aakbu's main duty was to hold ancestral rites for the royal Lee family, which explains the title “Aakbu.” The study then examined the curriculum of the Aak Student Training Center, which functioned as a base for human resources for Yiwangjik Aakbu. The training center was set up in 1919 and taught general subjects in addition to music. In its early days, the only type of dance it covered was Ilmu, which was performed during ancestral rituals. In 1926, the court dance was introduced as a regular subject at the training center. During the Yiwangjik-Aakbu period, the court dance was performed at the palace, overseas, by the invitation of outside organizations, as a part of Yiseuphoi, and for recording purposes. The court dance was performed at the palace to commemorate the “62nd birthday of King Gojong” (1913), the “50th birthday of King Sunjong” (1923), and as a “welcoming ceremony for King Yeongchin” (1930). Those banquets followed the Western ceremonial process, with the court dance performed as part of the entertainment. Moreover, it was performed overseas by the invitation of Kyoto, Japan. When it was performed by the invitation of outside organizations, its audience included major figures and foreigners. It was also performed at an event held by the Japanese Government General of Korea. There were Yiseuphoi performances, which aimed to improve the Aaksas’ skills, in and outside the Aakbu. The court dance was also performed for videotaping purposes as part of a work to examine Joseon culture by the Japanese Government General of Korea based on its political calculations. The court dance performed for those occasions included Cheoyongmu, Suyeongjang, Pogurak, Mugo, Bongraeui, Gainjeonmokdan, Bosangbu, Chunaengjeon, Jangsaengboyeonjimu, Hyangryeongmu, Yeonbaekbokjimu, Mansumu, Seonyurak, Geomgimu, Heonseondo, and Hangjangmu, as well as the Buddhist dance (僧舞), a type of folk dance. In addition, Hwanghwamannyeonjimu (1940) was created to commemorate the Japanese history of 2600 years by the order of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The court dance of Yiwangjik-Aakbu was performed in the political environment of Japanese rule and in the modern performance environment oriented toward the Western styles, thereby inheriting the tradition of the Korean Empire.
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The Political Implications of the Royal Rites and the 50th Birthday Party in the Reign of Yunghee Emperor
융희황제 재위 시 황실의례의 정치적 의미와 오순탄신 거동
DOI:10.26861/sddh.2016.42.37Asian Dance Journal
Vol.42
pp.37-58
To Japanese colonialists, scholars, and common Koreans influenced by and educated through the Japanese colonial historical perspective, Kwangmoo and Yunghee Emperor were powerless, impotent monarchs in the face of the Japanese forces. This kind of estimation corresponds exactly to that of the Daehan Empire under Japanese colonialism, which intentionally negated the positive role of these two emperors. However, we have to reconsider and re-evaluate this estimation. We can pose two political statuses, namely those of an “instrument of Japanese colonial domination” (Instrument) and a “symbol of anti-colonial resistance” (Symbol). Yunghee Emperor became a new emperor of the Daehan Empire under the Japanese in the era of the Residency-General, and played the role of Instrument to his death by the Japanese powers, who tried to use this emperor and the Royal Chamber itself. Paradoxically, and regardless of the Japanese intention, Yunghee also played the role of Symbol to oppressed common Koreans. We can confirm this role in the Royal South Tour and the Royal West Tour in 1907, as well as the Royal Tomb Tour in 1917. In the Royal Dance and Music for his 50th Birthday Party, the Instrumental meaning was greater than the Symbolic meaning due the Japanese Government General’s ability to distort these two art forms. It is a general estimation that Yunghee’s political status was that of an Instrument rather than a Symbol in the eras of both the Residency-General and the Government General. The Instrument status is practical, positive, and general, whereas the Symbol status is symbolic, negative, and partial. To the Japanese colonialists, Yunghee was an Instrument, and his status as a Symbol was permitted to a limited extent for common Koreans. However, we can deepen this Symbolic role through the further research.
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