The purpose of this study is to investigate types, use, and characteristics of Amu (雅舞), as recorded in Akseo (『樂書』, Book on Music) written by Jinyang (陳暘). We focused on how Jinyang accepted Amu of the previous generations in his Akseo, investigated how Amu was divided into several types used in Gyomyo (郊廟) and Johoe (朝會 a morning assembly) in Northern Song, and then presented constructional patterns of Amu and significance of using dancing tools. Amu is a dance performed in grand rituals such as memorial services in Confucian congratulatory ceremonies or National New Year’s fests, indicating a type of dance performed to Aak music. As a form of Ilmu (佾舞, line dance), Amu has a coexistence of civil and military dance and is performed according to the order of a ceremony. The representative titles for pieces of civil and military dance music in Gyosa (郊祀 Border Sacrifice) in Song Dynasty are and . In Ilmu for Johoe, Mundeok and Mukong were selected as civil and military dance but were changed by and , and again by and . Amu indicates a type of Ilmu by standing in lines of four sides. Jinyang argued that two, four, six, and eight days of Amu were for dividing classes such as emperor, lords, nobility, and scholar, while thinking that different grades of Ilmu should be applied on the basis of scales of memorial services. Jinyang perceived that the lines of the dance were a method of expressing succession of the way of Heaven by a ruler. According to him, the dancing tools were objects describing and symbolizing virtues and contribution, and there should be Abstract 54 제41호grades in the tools based on the virtues and contribution of a ruler. In this study we attempted to pave the way to expand denotation of dance studies by researching Aak music, a music that has not been much studied in Korean dance field. The results of this study may serve as basic data for understanding Akmu performed in ritual ceremonies in Joseon related to ceremony culture of Ancient China.

This paper presents an investigation of the transmission patterns of court dance at Yiwangjik-Aakbu during Japanese rule. The study first examined Yiwangjik-Aakbu in the context of the Yiwangjik organization, which was established to manage the royal Lee family during Japanese rule. Yiwangjik-Aakbu's main duty was to hold ancestral rites for the royal Lee family, which explains the title “Aakbu.” The study then examined the curriculum of the Aak Student Training Center, which functioned as a base for human resources for Yiwangjik Aakbu. The training center was set up in 1919 and taught general subjects in addition to music. In its early days, the only type of dance it covered was Ilmu, which was performed during ancestral rituals. In 1926, the court dance was introduced as a regular subject at the training center. During the Yiwangjik-Aakbu period, the court dance was performed at the palace, overseas, by the invitation of outside organizations, as a part of Yiseuphoi, and for recording purposes. The court dance was performed at the palace to commemorate the “62nd birthday of King Gojong” (1913), the “50th birthday of King Sunjong” (1923), and as a “welcoming ceremony for King Yeongchin” (1930). Those banquets followed the Western ceremonial process, with the court dance performed as part of the entertainment. Moreover, it was performed overseas by the invitation of Kyoto, Japan. When it was performed by the invitation of outside organizations, its audience included major figures and foreigners. It was also performed at an event held by the Japanese Government General of Korea. There were Yiseuphoi performances, which aimed to improve the Aaksas’ skills, in and outside the Aakbu. The court dance was also performed for videotaping purposes as part of a work to examine Joseon culture by the Japanese Government General of Korea based on its political calculations. The court dance performed for those occasions included Cheoyongmu, Suyeongjang, Pogurak, Mugo, Bongraeui, Gainjeonmokdan, Bosangbu, Chunaengjeon, Jangsaengboyeonjimu, Hyangryeongmu, Yeonbaekbokjimu, Mansumu, Seonyurak, Geomgimu, Heonseondo, and Hangjangmu, as well as the Buddhist dance (僧舞), a type of folk dance. In addition, Hwanghwamannyeonjimu (1940) was created to commemorate the Japanese history of 2600 years by the order of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The court dance of Yiwangjik-Aakbu was performed in the political environment of Japanese rule and in the modern performance environment oriented toward the Western styles, thereby inheriting the tradition of the Korean Empire.

To Japanese colonialists, scholars, and common Koreans influenced by and educated through the Japanese colonial historical perspective, Kwangmoo and Yunghee Emperor were powerless, impotent monarchs in the face of the Japanese forces. This kind of estimation corresponds exactly to that of the Daehan Empire under Japanese colonialism, which intentionally negated the positive role of these two emperors. However, we have to reconsider and re-evaluate this estimation. We can pose two political statuses, namely those of an “instrument of Japanese colonial domination” (Instrument) and a “symbol of anti-colonial resistance” (Symbol). Yunghee Emperor became a new emperor of the Daehan Empire under the Japanese in the era of the Residency-General, and played the role of Instrument to his death by the Japanese powers, who tried to use this emperor and the Royal Chamber itself. Paradoxically, and regardless of the Japanese intention, Yunghee also played the role of Symbol to oppressed common Koreans. We can confirm this role in the Royal South Tour and the Royal West Tour in 1907, as well as the Royal Tomb Tour in 1917. In the Royal Dance and Music for his 50th Birthday Party, the Instrumental meaning was greater than the Symbolic meaning due the Japanese Government General’s ability to distort these two art forms. It is a general estimation that Yunghee’s political status was that of an Instrument rather than a Symbol in the eras of both the Residency-General and the Government General. The Instrument status is practical, positive, and general, whereas the Symbol status is symbolic, negative, and partial. To the Japanese colonialists, Yunghee was an Instrument, and his status as a Symbol was permitted to a limited extent for common Koreans. However, we can deepen this Symbolic role through the further research.

The congratulatory party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of the birth of King Sunjong took place at Injeongjeon Hall in Changdeokgung Palace on March 25, 1923, during the period of Japanese Occupation. As the royal family would not hold any big events after the demise of King Sunjong in 1926, it was the last event by which one can track changes in the parties of the Joseon Dynasty. This was different from the usual parties of Joseon Dynasty. The changes involved the venue, as it was not held at Jeongjeon (the courtyard for the main building) but instead took place inside Donghaenggak and Injeongjeon placed in the corner, and it also involved the serving luncheon and dinner, with participants seated at two rows of Western-style tables. Such changes distinguished the party from the previous Jinyeon (palatial party) of the Joseon Dynasty. Despite such changes in the royal ceremonies, in contrast to the Korean Empire, specific norms were not adopted in the period of Japanese Occupation. The modernizing changes to the ceremonies between the Korean Empire and the period of Japanese Occupation show how the Joseon tradition developed into the modern tradition. Presumably, there were changes to the music and dance used at the party, but details on such alterations cannot be found. At the event, eleven instrumental pieces－including Taepyeongchunjigok－and seven pieces of Mudong jeongjae (“court dance music with a boy dancer”) were performed. Instrumental music and Mudong jeongjae were presented at both luncheon and dinner. When Mudong jeongjae was performed at the party, it drew attention, as this represented a restoration of a presentation that had been removed from the royal protocol 20 or so years before. Moreover, the students of Yiwangjik aakbu (“Office of the Yi Dynasty’s Ceremonial Music”) were trained to perform for the event, which was significant in that has carried the tradition of Mudong jeongjae up to the present times. Having considered the performance of Mudong jeongjae following the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, Yiwangjik aakbu performed in Kyoto. Moreover, having been performed at the Kyoto presentation, Jangsaengboyeonjimu was learned by a Japanese dancer. Based on this, Miyako Odori was created in Japan. The work was performed at the exposition that not only marked the participation in World Expo but also celebrated the marriage of Hirohito and the 15th anniversary of the Korea－Japan annexation. Aalthough Mudong jeongjae was restored for the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, it was one of the projects that was presumably planned and prepared for such purposes. Despite its changes, the ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, including the party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, are highly significant in that they were crucial in carrying traditional Korean music up to the present times. Nevertheless, musicians’ strenuous efforts to carry the traditional music through the period of Japanese Occupation should not be regarded as just one of the musical characteristics of the period or reenacted in an optimistic manner. When considering the court ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, the context of what happened to Yiwangjik aakbu should first understand; this will allow us to determine which parts of the ceremonies are to be carried on and which parts are to be objectively described.

This study investigates the background, contents, and choreographic style of the Mudong (舞童) Jungjae (呈才) performed at the 50th birthday banquet of King Soonjong, the last emperor of the Korean Empire. Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹), Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞), Yeonbaekbokjjimu (演百福之舞), Mugo (舞鼓), Pogurak (抛毬樂), Bosangmu (寶相舞), Suyeonjang (壽延長), Chunaengjeon (春鶯囀), and Cheoyongmu (處容舞) were performed at the banquet held on March 25, 1923, on King Soonjong’s birthday. Among them, Cheoyongmu was excluded from this study, as it was separately studied and performed by Aaksu (雅樂手) and five physically fit Aakseng (雅樂生) students from the first-year class of the Aakdae training school. Thus, this study examines eight Jungjae dances that were performed by Aakseng students who were selected as Mudong. The Korean Empire was colonized by Japan on August 29, 1910; following this, King Soonjong’s daily life was restricted through the control of Iwangjik (李王職), or the Office of the Yi Dynasty. This study examines Jungjae dances that were studied and performed by 11 Aakseng (雅樂生) Mudong; these were hastily put together for the 50th birthday of King Soonjong. Aakseng boys aged 13~19 years, who joined the Aakdae (雅樂隊) training school as the first-year and second-year class in the early winter of 1922. were abruptly enlisted to learn Jungjae dances. After five months, they performed for the king. This launched the dancing careers as Mudong for Aakseng students at the Aakdae training school within Iwangjik. The dances performed at the 50th birthday banquet of King Soonjong were mostly createdin 1828 and 1829. The story of these Jungjae dances included ① the love between husband and wife and ② a wish for the longevity and prosperity of the country. In addition, they comprised ③ entertaining elements that combined a wish for longevity with amusement, completing the broad variety of the dance. By the 29th year of King Gojong’s reign or the Imjin year of 1892, and following their performance at the 41st birthday banquet of King Gojong, the number of dancers for the Mudong Jungjae performance was finalized. The choreographic styles of the eight dances are discussed in greater detail below. The Mudong Jungjae of the Joseon Dynasty is said to have been passed down with great difficulty under political and cultural oppression during the Japanese colonial era. In this study, we propose to lay the groundwork for establishing a proper historical perspective on the dissemination of traditional dances through consideration of their background.

This study investigated the family names of gakkge (musician families) and the status of appointment of each family name as recorded in the Appointment to the Chamber of Music (Gakuso Boin) in order to investigate important elements of Gagaku (Japanese Court Music). In addition, this study retraced the line of each family name. The Appointment to the Chamber of Music is a document that records the gakunin (musicians) who were appointed to the Chamber during a 153-year period between the late ancient era and the early Middle Ages. A total of 25 musician family names appear in this book. Of these families, five were most often appointed to gakuso (the Chamber of Music): Koma, Ono, Ogami, Toyohara, and Abe. In particular, the Koma line represents almost 30% of the people appointed, indicating that they were the most prestigious gakkge. In addition, of the 25 family names in the Appointment to the Chamber of Music, 22 were also recorded in the Newly Compiled Record of Clan Names (Shinsenshoujiroku). Of these 22 names, four are classified as originating from the Korean Peninsula line: Toyohara, Koma, Kudara, and Miyake. In turn, these names were further subdivided into 11 related family names: Toyohara was divided into Toyoharatsurane; Koma was divided into Komanoobito, Komanomiyasuko, Komasomebe, and Komahito; Kudara was divided into Kudaraason, Kudarako, Kudarao, Kudaraki, and Kudarauji; and Miyake was divided into Miyaketsurane. In a similar way, the Japanese Aak world has experienced repeated succession and severance of member families as a result of various social and political changes. The institutionalization of so-called Sanpogakuso defended gagaku during the ups and downs of succession and severance, and a large number of Sanpogakunin in Sanpogakuso were musicians with a Korean Peninsula line family name. In the modern era, since 1873, as gagaku was opened to people other than gakkge, and the system of transmission was no longer based on hereditary succession, musicians appeared who did not hail from a musician family, such as Horikawa Hisatami. As a result, gakunin who do not descend from gakkge have represented approximately half of the 26 gakunin in the Board of the Ceremonies of the Imperial Household Agency. Nonetheless, gakunin, including Ue Sanemichi, whose origins are in the Korean Peninsula, have remained active in the Japanese Aak world to the present day.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the significance of Mu-ui (舞義, ritual of dance) by Seong Gyeong-rin in dance history and its value as Holgi (笏記, scroll document). This study identified the characteristics of the Japanese colonial period Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞, Dance of longevity) by comparing the record in Mu-ui to that in Jeongjaemudogholgi (呈才舞蹈笏記, scroll document of court dances). First, the costumes of dancers were five colors, and second, the song Changsha expresses simplification and degraded expression. Third, there was a slight difference in composition at the end. Fourth, in the dance, the order of the nine-sided dance was all the same, so there was no big change, but dance details were added to Mu-ui or little details were recorded. Fifth, there was a change in notation, but most of them had the same meaning or dancing. Those findings indicate that Mu-ui by Seong Gyeong-rin has the following values and significance in the dance history. First, it holds its value as a Holgi of Yiwangjikaakbu (李王 職雅樂部, the downgrated insitution of Jangakwon). Second, it offers information about the changes of court dance by Yiwangjikaakbu during Japanese colonial period. Finally, it enables the reproduction of Yiwangjikaakbu’s court dance by Mu-ui.