This study has been started from the question about if court dance called as jeongjae(呈才) had been equally performed even in the different the ritual spaces of naeyeon(內宴) and oeyeon(外宴). The aim of this paper is to understand the ritual and jongjae(呈才) by figuring out how to composes of jeongjae is different in oeyeon and naeyeon based on Ŭigwe(儀軌) in the late Joseon Dynasty At First, there were more actors mostly in naeyeon as a result of comparing the numbers of actors in naeyeon and oeyeon. Moreover, in naeyeon, there were more actors in individual jeongjae. Secondly, according to the comparison of composes of jeongjae in naeyeon and oeyeon, there is an extended form of pair in naeyeon but not in oeyeon. In oeyeon, there were many cases that some part of song is omitted. Third, as a result of comparing the numbers of items selected in naeyeon and oeyeon, mostly the number of jeongjae items performed in naeyeon was bigger.

This paper presents an investigation of the transmission patterns of court dance at Yiwangjik-Aakbu during Japanese rule. The study first examined Yiwangjik-Aakbu in the context of the Yiwangjik organization, which was established to manage the royal Lee family during Japanese rule. Yiwangjik-Aakbu's main duty was to hold ancestral rites for the royal Lee family, which explains the title “Aakbu.” The study then examined the curriculum of the Aak Student Training Center, which functioned as a base for human resources for Yiwangjik Aakbu. The training center was set up in 1919 and taught general subjects in addition to music. In its early days, the only type of dance it covered was Ilmu, which was performed during ancestral rituals. In 1926, the court dance was introduced as a regular subject at the training center. During the Yiwangjik-Aakbu period, the court dance was performed at the palace, overseas, by the invitation of outside organizations, as a part of Yiseuphoi, and for recording purposes. The court dance was performed at the palace to commemorate the “62nd birthday of King Gojong” (1913), the “50th birthday of King Sunjong” (1923), and as a “welcoming ceremony for King Yeongchin” (1930). Those banquets followed the Western ceremonial process, with the court dance performed as part of the entertainment. Moreover, it was performed overseas by the invitation of Kyoto, Japan. When it was performed by the invitation of outside organizations, its audience included major figures and foreigners. It was also performed at an event held by the Japanese Government General of Korea. There were Yiseuphoi performances, which aimed to improve the Aaksas’ skills, in and outside the Aakbu. The court dance was also performed for videotaping purposes as part of a work to examine Joseon culture by the Japanese Government General of Korea based on its political calculations. The court dance performed for those occasions included Cheoyongmu, Suyeongjang, Pogurak, Mugo, Bongraeui, Gainjeonmokdan, Bosangbu, Chunaengjeon, Jangsaengboyeonjimu, Hyangryeongmu, Yeonbaekbokjimu, Mansumu, Seonyurak, Geomgimu, Heonseondo, and Hangjangmu, as well as the Buddhist dance (僧舞), a type of folk dance. In addition, Hwanghwamannyeonjimu (1940) was created to commemorate the Japanese history of 2600 years by the order of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The court dance of Yiwangjik-Aakbu was performed in the political environment of Japanese rule and in the modern performance environment oriented toward the Western styles, thereby inheriting the tradition of the Korean Empire.

This study, with the Nuo ceremony in Lengshuijiang, Hunan, China as the subject, discusses its cultural hybridity, shaped by dynamic interaction between elite culture of the ruling class and folk culture of the working class. The author argues that the resulting hybridity is formed through homogenizing force of the elite culture and localizing capability of the folk culture. To carry out the research, the author adopts three methodologies: fieldwork, in-depth interview and literature review. From the perspective of dual cultural framework, the author observes the dilemma faced by the Nuo ceremony in a historical and social context. Unlike the prevailing tendency of separating wu (shamanism) from dao (Taoism), by former researches this paper integrates wu and dao, thereby interpreting the hybrid nature of the Nuo ceremony. Through fieldwork, the author studies the conflict and reconciliation between the high and folk cultures as projected in the cultural hybridity of the Nuo ceremony. The analysis suggests that the Lengshuijiang Nuo ceremony is a hybrid culture stemming from the combination of orthodox religion and folk shamanism during a specific historical period. It is neither a pure high culture of the state nor a pure folk culture. Rather, it is a reconstructed “third culture”. On a macro level, the author observes China’s dual cultural framework from the perspectives of both the elite culture and folk culture. On a micro level, the authors reveals, through the integration of the wu and dao elements in the Lengshuijiang Nuo ceremony, the cultural hybridity as a result of homogenization and localization, which Abstract 298 제53호is the significance of the study.