This study aims to investigate the genealogy of succession in each household of woman shamans performing Jindo Ssitgimgut. A literature review was conducted to examine previous studies and data, and we conducted interviews in parallel to confirm and verify the findings from the literature review. This research focuses on the women shamans of the Park, Kang, Ham, and Chae families. Tracing back the transmission process of Jindo Ssitgimgut reveals two distinct succession patterns. Among the two is the Jindo Ssitgimgut Preservation Association, which is centered on Park's family, and the other is the Ham family. The Preservation Association accepted a variety of successors, both shamans and non-shamans, and established a method of passing them on through education rather than through hereditary descent. In the case of the Ham family, after the death of the shaman Chae Jeong-rye, a possessed shaman who was also a disciple of Chae became the successor. These two patterns suggest that Jindo Ssitgimgut cannot expect hereditary successions within the family to continue.Due to the change of times and unsuitable succession environment, the Jindo Ssitgimgut hereditary is on the verge of extinction. In order to ensure the proper succession and preservation of the existing hereditary dance, it is necessary to understand the genealogy of woman shamans.

The purpose of this study is to suggest a way to reconcile two conflicting concepts: the system of intangible cultural assets and creative succession of traditional dances. Among the terms for intangible cultural assets in Korea, ‘prototype’ was changed into ‘typifier’ because of the legal revision in 2016. In addition, the term, ‘human cultural assets’, which has been actually used was enacted. Typifier is an advanced concept which makes a bridge between intangible cultural assets and artistic notion, while human cultural assets are also a concept that acknowledges an indissolubility between dance and human being. In order to encourage creative succession, while maintaining and preserving the artistic view on intangible cultural assets, this study proposes the following suggestions. First, we should actively find and appreciate holders of human cultural asset in their 40s-50s. It would help activating the dances and forming an independent job field. Second, we should acknowledge more than two people as human cultural assets for an item, accepting various and creative successions. It leads to restraints power monopoly and to promote competition among them. Last, succession fees should be unified by the Cultural Heritage Administration for securing transparency and fairness of accounts. These would contribute to creative successions of Korean traditional dances in the system of intangible cultural assets.

This study seeks to compare expression media between Kim Baek-bong’s Korean fan dance, a traditional dance designated as an intangible cultural asset of Korea and Kagyadifu (かぎやで風), a fan dance of Okinawa in Japan. The study examines hand motions of the two traditional dances. The author used an index of KAMAKURA as an external analytical method, while focusing on interviews and oral records to understand inherent characteristics. The ethnic identities of the expression media were identified as follows. First, fan functioned commonly by physical awareness and recognition of the body. The fans of the two countries did not directly express objects such as letters, but tried to describe the shape of the entire object as an extended part of the body. Second, the fans of Korea and Japan were differentiated as abstract technique in the process where sensual wave was reflected in the body. Ryukyu dance did not express the lyrics in a graphical or realistic way as in the case of sign language. The expression of fans was not verbal. Fans made a symbolic display of yearning that the region - the island - had toward outside world. In Korea, more than 30% of group dance figuratively reveals intention of original authors or nature. This is an indication that Korea's new art dance was affected by modern dance of the modern times. Third, fans had multidimensional contexts in showing internal feelings. Korean dance depicts nature or intention of authors, and express inner feelings through various rhythms. Ryukyu dance expresses relations between a fan and a dancer abstractly by containing a joyful feeling of the performer, rather than venting the feelings. The comparison of intangible cultural properties of both countries could reveal that they harnessed the same expression media but showed difference in their unique national emotion.

It is possible to determine how nongak (traditional Korean music performed by farmers) was sustained and what changes happened through various records including the history of lives and experiences of nongak performers, their personal diaries, village journals, village self-governing document, village minutes, etc. Using these records, this study elucidated the continuance and changing spectrum of nongak inherited in Sopo-ri, Jindo-gun, Jeolanam-do, the factors of change in and creation of tradition by village nongak, and the phenomenon of geolgul-jinbeomnon becoming permanent in Sopo-geolgun-nongak due to its designation as an cultural asset. This study also examined the identity of geolgun in Sopo-geolgun-nongak and how this designation became permanent. The composition of percussionists in the current Sopo-geolgun-nongak, such as the Jipsa, Mudong, Jorijung, Posu, Changbu, and Nongi(Nongu), or the performances of Geolgul-jinbeomnon had ben reconstructed since the mid-1980s based on the nongak document called Seosan-daesa-jinbeop-gungo from Haenam and other similar records. This was verified in this study through the changes in organizational composition of nongak bands since the 1960s. Nongak passed down in Sopo-ri was variously called as Sopo-ri Reconstruction Youth Society Nongak, Jindo Nongak, Geolgun Nongak, and Sopo-geolgun-nongak, etc. This study focused on examining the processes of Jindo Nongak Preservation Village formation and the designation of Sopo-geolgun-nongak as an intangible cultural asset in Jeolanam-do.

This study inquires into the name of the Dutbeki dance Ulsan folk people’s traditional dance. This study investigates the meaning of the name of “Dutbeki,” various Dutbaki plays that were fused into other folk dances, and finally the independently transferred Dutbeki play itself. The prior literatures and the process officially confirm the name of ‘Dutbeki’. In 2016, the Ulsan Metropolitan City conducted a complete survey of intangible cultural heritages and officially recognized the Dutbeki of the region as “Ulsan Dutbeki”. This was based on the relevant regulation of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Survey of Ulsan Metropolitan City that formally confirmed the name as “Ulsan Dutbeki”. In this study the name is suggested as the “Ulsan Dutbeki Chum” to honor the tradition of the dance naming. This contributes to establish the foundation for preserving intangible cultural heritages and inheriting traditional culture in Ulsan Metropolitan City.