This study aims to investigate the genealogy of succession in each household of woman shamans performing Jindo Ssitgimgut. A literature review was conducted to examine previous studies and data, and we conducted interviews in parallel to confirm and verify the findings from the literature review. This research focuses on the women shamans of the Park, Kang, Ham, and Chae families. Tracing back the transmission process of Jindo Ssitgimgut reveals two distinct succession patterns. Among the two is the Jindo Ssitgimgut Preservation Association, which is centered on Park's family, and the other is the Ham family. The Preservation Association accepted a variety of successors, both shamans and non-shamans, and established a method of passing them on through education rather than through hereditary descent. In the case of the Ham family, after the death of the shaman Chae Jeong-rye, a possessed shaman who was also a disciple of Chae became the successor. These two patterns suggest that Jindo Ssitgimgut cannot expect hereditary successions within the family to continue.Due to the change of times and unsuitable succession environment, the Jindo Ssitgimgut hereditary is on the verge of extinction. In order to ensure the proper succession and preservation of the existing hereditary dance, it is necessary to understand the genealogy of woman shamans.

This study examined realistically the forms themselves of the contents of Jeongjaedo depicted in ㆍㆍㆍㆍ that are included in Euigwe, compared them with Holgi, analyzed the reason and the reality in the content of mudo, re-examined in a broader perspective comprehensively, and concluded as the followings. Jeongjaedo of presents the dance type that performs the poguhui in the left and right sides of Bosangban. 14 pieces are included in 10 different kinds of Euigwe: 5 of them are Mudong and 9 of them are Yeoryeong. The contents of Mudong are categorized into 6 kinds: there are as few as 1 and as many as 6 having the same content. Jeongjaedo of presents the dance types of sadaejwawu-daehyeong, sabang-daehyeong, and jeonhu-daehyeong. 14 pieces are delivered in 14 different types of Euigwe: 5 of them are Mudong and 9 of them are Yeoryeong. The contents of Mudong are categorized into 4 kinds: there are as few as 1 and as many as 8 having the same content. Jeongjaedo of presents the dance types of obang-daehyeong and sawu-daehyeong. 14 pieces are included in 9 different kinds of Euigwe: 5 of them are Mudong and 9 of them are Yeoryeong. The contents of Mudong are categorized into 3 kinds: there are as few as 3 and as many as 6 having the same content. Jeongjaedo of presents the dance types of twodaejwau-daehyeong and pumja-daeyeong. 14 pieces are included in 10 different kinds of Euigwe: 5 of them are Mudong and 9 of them are Yeoryeong. The contents of Mudong are categorized into 4 kinds: there are as few as 2 and as many as 5 having the same content. Jeongjaedo of presents the dance type that the seonmo sacrifices the seondo. 15 pieces are included in 11 different kinds of Euigwe: 4 of them are Mudong and 11 of them are Yeoryeong. The contents of Mudong are categorized into 4 kinds: there are as few as 1 and as many as 9 having the same content. In most Jeongjaedo dances, the content, that is danced in one kind of daeyeong for one side, is presented, and and separate the two kinds of daeyhyeong into the upper level and the lower level simultaneously. Jeongjaedo was used to introduce various contents by dividing them into many pieces and to present them by repeating the same contents for each Jeongjae. By inserting the various contents into one drawing, the artist tried to present the Jeongjae contents in a variety of views, and made us to experience the reality of the Jeongjae contents recorded in letters in Holgi, and reflected even the unrecorded contents as well.

Among the songs and dances of the western regions that spread, via the Silk Road, to the central regions, Hoseonmu, Hodeungmu, and Jajimu—which are the “three dances of the western regions”—were widely popular during the Tang Dynasty. For this reason, they have been the focus of many studies in China. In Korea, studies have focused on the similarities between the Hoseonmu of the Goguryeo Dynasty and that of the western regions, and between the Yeonwhadae, which is the Dangak-jeongjae of the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Jajimu. While there have been studies on the songs and dances based on the poetic literature, there have been few studies on the introduction and development of the culture of song and dance. Thus, this paper aims to explore songs and dances that were introduced and developed in the East Asian region through exchanges, considering how they were first introduced and then expanded to the central regions by focusing on the three major western dances: Hoseonmu, Hodeungmu, and Jajimu. The songs and dances of the western regions were introduced to the central regions long ago, and it is not clear when the different songs and dances were introduced. Since Gyobanggi and other records state that many western songs and dances were found in Geon-Mu and Yeon-Mu, which were representative court songs and dances during the Tang Dynasty, it is clear that the western songs and dances were introduced to the central regions before the Tang Dynasty. Historical records indicate that the cultural exchange of songs and dances between the two regions started during the Han Dynasty, were promoted during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, and reached their peak during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Hoseonmu, Hodeungmu, and Jajimu held the unique spirit of the western regions and spread from the major cities to Chekiang and from Haizhu to Szechuan, influencing not not only Gyobangs but also military camps and even the nobility. In doing so, they converged with the songs and dances of the Han people in the central regions. In this regard, it is safe to say that the introduction of western songs and dances to the central regions had a great impact on the development of songs and dances in the central regions during the Middle Age. The songs and dances of the western regions converged with those of the central regions and created a new culture of song and dance. By increasing the popularity of these songs and dances, which were mostly court music and dances, a new singing and dancing culture was created that everyone could enjoy. This article focuses on how the three dances were introduced to, and developed in, the central regions. Studies are required on how they spread to, and were transformed in, other regions.

The congratulatory party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of the birth of King Sunjong took place at Injeongjeon Hall in Changdeokgung Palace on March 25, 1923, during the period of Japanese Occupation. As the royal family would not hold any big events after the demise of King Sunjong in 1926, it was the last event by which one can track changes in the parties of the Joseon Dynasty. This was different from the usual parties of Joseon Dynasty. The changes involved the venue, as it was not held at Jeongjeon (the courtyard for the main building) but instead took place inside Donghaenggak and Injeongjeon placed in the corner, and it also involved the serving luncheon and dinner, with participants seated at two rows of Western-style tables. Such changes distinguished the party from the previous Jinyeon (palatial party) of the Joseon Dynasty. Despite such changes in the royal ceremonies, in contrast to the Korean Empire, specific norms were not adopted in the period of Japanese Occupation. The modernizing changes to the ceremonies between the Korean Empire and the period of Japanese Occupation show how the Joseon tradition developed into the modern tradition. Presumably, there were changes to the music and dance used at the party, but details on such alterations cannot be found. At the event, eleven instrumental pieces－including Taepyeongchunjigok－and seven pieces of Mudong jeongjae (“court dance music with a boy dancer”) were performed. Instrumental music and Mudong jeongjae were presented at both luncheon and dinner. When Mudong jeongjae was performed at the party, it drew attention, as this represented a restoration of a presentation that had been removed from the royal protocol 20 or so years before. Moreover, the students of Yiwangjik aakbu (“Office of the Yi Dynasty’s Ceremonial Music”) were trained to perform for the event, which was significant in that has carried the tradition of Mudong jeongjae up to the present times. Having considered the performance of Mudong jeongjae following the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, Yiwangjik aakbu performed in Kyoto. Moreover, having been performed at the Kyoto presentation, Jangsaengboyeonjimu was learned by a Japanese dancer. Based on this, Miyako Odori was created in Japan. The work was performed at the exposition that not only marked the participation in World Expo but also celebrated the marriage of Hirohito and the 15th anniversary of the Korea－Japan annexation. Aalthough Mudong jeongjae was restored for the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, it was one of the projects that was presumably planned and prepared for such purposes. Despite its changes, the ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, including the party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, are highly significant in that they were crucial in carrying traditional Korean music up to the present times. Nevertheless, musicians’ strenuous efforts to carry the traditional music through the period of Japanese Occupation should not be regarded as just one of the musical characteristics of the period or reenacted in an optimistic manner. When considering the court ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, the context of what happened to Yiwangjik aakbu should first understand; this will allow us to determine which parts of the ceremonies are to be carried on and which parts are to be objectively described.

This study compared Jeongjaemudo Holgi (musical scripts) with video materials of “Mugo” (group dance from the Goryeo period) and “JangsaengboyeonJimu” (court music from the Joseon period) performed in the 1980s at ‘Traditional Dance Presentation’ of National Gugak Center following Simso Kim Cheon-heung’s restoration of them. By doing so, the study sought to learn how he had restored the court dances. As a result, the study found following characteristics of “Mugo” and “JangsaengboyeonJimu”. First, the greetings were added both in the beginning and the end of the performance. Second, the songs of the dancers were simplified. Third, there was no big change in dance formation. Fourth, there were omissions or additions in the procedure of the dance. When he restored court dance in the 1980s, the restoration was built on what he learned from Music Academy of the Joseon Dynasty and a number of materials including Akji (music book) of Goryeosa, that is lustrated Text on Traditional Music and Holgi. His restoration of the court dances in the 1980s was affected by periodical circumstances and creative experiences during the 1950s. This study concluded that the court dances he restored was the extension of tradition and literature interpretation. This study identified his spirit from his restoration which was completed based on experience and aesthetic attitude. Rather than sticking to the original literature, he showed the essence of the court dances as a new form of art by putting it on stage. He desired to turn the court dance into a contemporary proscenium stage art and to elevate it to the modern art form. As such, his restoration of the court dances in the 1980s was a process which he embraced the change of the period. Thus, Kim Cheon-heung can be considered as an artist who demonstrated artistic capability encompassing tradition.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the significance of Mu-ui (舞義, ritual of dance) by Seong Gyeong-rin in dance history and its value as Holgi (笏記, scroll document). This study identified the characteristics of the Japanese colonial period Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞, Dance of longevity) by comparing the record in Mu-ui to that in Jeongjaemudogholgi (呈才舞蹈笏記, scroll document of court dances). First, the costumes of dancers were five colors, and second, the song Changsha expresses simplification and degraded expression. Third, there was a slight difference in composition at the end. Fourth, in the dance, the order of the nine-sided dance was all the same, so there was no big change, but dance details were added to Mu-ui or little details were recorded. Fifth, there was a change in notation, but most of them had the same meaning or dancing. Those findings indicate that Mu-ui by Seong Gyeong-rin has the following values and significance in the dance history. First, it holds its value as a Holgi of Yiwangjikaakbu (李王 職雅樂部, the downgrated insitution of Jangakwon). Second, it offers information about the changes of court dance by Yiwangjikaakbu during Japanese colonial period. Finally, it enables the reproduction of Yiwangjikaakbu’s court dance by Mu-ui.