The word ‘Convergence’ is one of the major key words in this age and it is used in many different fields and various ways. The purpose of this study is to verify the role of convergence in maximizing the artistic expression and to confirm the possibilities of convergence effects whether it can bring change and create new territory in dance field by analyzing Deborah Colker’s choreography , which best reflects convergence characteristics. This study examined Deborah Colker’s choreography , focusing on convergence by using Janet Adshed’s dance analysis methods. Debora Colker brought the huge vertical stage and it played the big role in . The dancers certainly exceed ordinary human limits with highly physical dance, bordering on acrobatics, sports and arts. These converging movements of acrobatics, sports and ballet and the vertical set formed a coherent whole. They interacted together so strong that it maximized the artistic expression and brought the possibility of a new vision of dance.

The current study seeks to provide and examine a new value classification of community dance. Community dance, based on dance education, is an act of interacting with others, discovering oneself anew, and gaining confidence through physical movement. It also represents communication based on social common denominators and restoring of interactions that were cut off by the advancement of information and communication technologies. Community dance in Korea is being utilized in various ways: it is an activity that laypersons engage in to get pleasure, be healed, interact with other people, and learn new things. Community dance may be put into the four following categories. First, ‘community dance as performance’ focuses on producing outputs with a sense of ‘community’ being together. It generates new meaning as members of the general public take part in stage performances. In addition, it has attained artistic value by expressing the zeitgeist of different times through interactions with various generations. ‘Community dance as performance’ is distinct in that it has popularized community dance, bringing professional choreographers close to laypersons who dance. It has also given an enhanced sense of completeness with its orientation as performance. Second, ‘community-centered community dance’ has shared the cultural identity of the community through dance and re-produced different communities. As a dance centered around the community for the people of the community, it can discover unique features of the community and tell stories of the people of the community. Third, ‘community dance for unspecified groups of people’ is one that anyone can Abstract 한국 커뮤니티 댄스의 새로운 가치 분류를 위한 시론 211 participate in. It provides opportunities for people of different generations to interact with one another. This category includes various community dances that are hitherto defined differently, and brings together like-minded communities through dance. Fourth, ‘community dance as dance education’ is part of dance education, and provides a space for people to dance together. It helps people to express themselves better, gain self-confidence, think creatively, and enjoy cultures and arts.

Munmyo-Ilmu (文廟佾舞), the dance which has been danced in Seokjeon-Uirye (釋奠: the rite for laying out offerings) at Sungkyunkwan (成均館) deifying Confucius so far, is distinguished in an aspect of its meaning and value from the dances which are passed down physically through the human body to body. Since Munmyo-Ilmu consists of ritual dancing steps involving the ethics and philosophical ideology of Confucian, its formality and structure are very modest, normative and merged densely with ritual and religious characters of cherish memory and worship. In other words, unlike the purpose of common dances, such as the expression of amusement or emotions and the transformation through a new attempt, Munmyo-Ilmu may be considered as a dance aiming more educational and philosophical origin as ‘order’ and ‘harmony’ penetrating between the universe and human being, or between human beings. While the scholarship dance had been formulated as a dance of the spiritual culture for the mindset, the martial arts dance for physical training. Munmyo-Ilmu is a dance connecting heaven, earth, and human beings each other, expressing gratitude to Confucius and old sages, and sublimating the experiences infused from human life, that is, courtesy and respect among human beings into aesthetic. Sungkyun was the name of school being in charge of music among five colleges of ancient Zhou dynasty, in which educating virtues harmonized with human characters through ‘Akgyo (樂敎music education)’. This Munmyo-Ilmu, which has been danced in Munmyo-Seokjeon-Uirye at Sungkyunkwan, can be considered as ‘the dance of modesty’ being formulated of three passages and four doctrines, which are core contents of Sohak (小學: Confucian disciplinary textbook), underlying Abstract 236 제41호Confucian character education. Furthermore, Munmyo-Ilmu, as a means of communication beyond a ritual dance, creates relationship between God and human being, society and human being, and human being and human being. Munmyo-Ilmu, as courtesies, can be considered as a communicational dance transcending language, a dance of ‘Susujirye (授受之禮: the exchange of courtesies)’ sharing each other’s mind, and a dance symbolizing ‘peace and harmony’.

The purpose of this study was Development Plan for Wonju Dynamic Dancing Carnival Based on Visitor Satisfaction Survey Core program of the carnival is performance by citizens where they present the prepared contents on the street. As such, a virtual cycle was created by the participation from citizens who become consumer and producer of the carnival at the same time. This brings effects of provoking pride and local patriotism for the region among the citizens as the participants in the carnival develop owner spirit of ‘carnival that I made’. From this point of view, this study attempts to examine the current situation of Wonju Dynamic Dancing Carnival and search for its growth potential by looking at survey statistics on the visitors. Summarizing the demographic characteristic of visitors at Wonju Dynamic Dancing Carnival, the most representative visitor can be described as a female Wonju resident in her 40s who visited the carnival with family members (visiting with family members 44.7%, people in their 40s 24.8%, residents in Wonju city 77.9%, women 68.1%). The carnival has very high revisiting rate and loyalty with 72.5% of the visitors coming for more than twice. Large number of visitors came to the carnival for more than two days during the carnival period (plan to visit 32.2%, visited for more than two days 77.3%). Majority of people who came to Wonju Dynamic Dancing Carnival visited the carnival from a motivation of leisure and breakaway (motivation of leisure, more than average 94.6%, motivation of breakaway, more than average 93.9%). These people gave positive evaluation Abstract 260 제41호on the entertainment and diversity of the carnival program, implying that the visitors who want breakaway and leisure are satisfied with the event contents. The carnival is aimed at takeoff to development as an industry that creates culture and art through the development of multiple contents stemmed from the incorporation of diverse programs into carnival, rather than being a simple event of carnival. It will develop as a carnival that can consolidate the state of cultural city of Wonju.

This paper presents an investigation of the transmission patterns of court dance at Yiwangjik-Aakbu during Japanese rule. The study first examined Yiwangjik-Aakbu in the context of the Yiwangjik organization, which was established to manage the royal Lee family during Japanese rule. Yiwangjik-Aakbu's main duty was to hold ancestral rites for the royal Lee family, which explains the title “Aakbu.” The study then examined the curriculum of the Aak Student Training Center, which functioned as a base for human resources for Yiwangjik Aakbu. The training center was set up in 1919 and taught general subjects in addition to music. In its early days, the only type of dance it covered was Ilmu, which was performed during ancestral rituals. In 1926, the court dance was introduced as a regular subject at the training center. During the Yiwangjik-Aakbu period, the court dance was performed at the palace, overseas, by the invitation of outside organizations, as a part of Yiseuphoi, and for recording purposes. The court dance was performed at the palace to commemorate the “62nd birthday of King Gojong” (1913), the “50th birthday of King Sunjong” (1923), and as a “welcoming ceremony for King Yeongchin” (1930). Those banquets followed the Western ceremonial process, with the court dance performed as part of the entertainment. Moreover, it was performed overseas by the invitation of Kyoto, Japan. When it was performed by the invitation of outside organizations, its audience included major figures and foreigners. It was also performed at an event held by the Japanese Government General of Korea. There were Yiseuphoi performances, which aimed to improve the Aaksas’ skills, in and outside the Aakbu. The court dance was also performed for videotaping purposes as part of a work to examine Joseon culture by the Japanese Government General of Korea based on its political calculations. The court dance performed for those occasions included Cheoyongmu, Suyeongjang, Pogurak, Mugo, Bongraeui, Gainjeonmokdan, Bosangbu, Chunaengjeon, Jangsaengboyeonjimu, Hyangryeongmu, Yeonbaekbokjimu, Mansumu, Seonyurak, Geomgimu, Heonseondo, and Hangjangmu, as well as the Buddhist dance (僧舞), a type of folk dance. In addition, Hwanghwamannyeonjimu (1940) was created to commemorate the Japanese history of 2600 years by the order of the Japanese Government General of Korea. The court dance of Yiwangjik-Aakbu was performed in the political environment of Japanese rule and in the modern performance environment oriented toward the Western styles, thereby inheriting the tradition of the Korean Empire.

To Japanese colonialists, scholars, and common Koreans influenced by and educated through the Japanese colonial historical perspective, Kwangmoo and Yunghee Emperor were powerless, impotent monarchs in the face of the Japanese forces. This kind of estimation corresponds exactly to that of the Daehan Empire under Japanese colonialism, which intentionally negated the positive role of these two emperors. However, we have to reconsider and re-evaluate this estimation. We can pose two political statuses, namely those of an “instrument of Japanese colonial domination” (Instrument) and a “symbol of anti-colonial resistance” (Symbol). Yunghee Emperor became a new emperor of the Daehan Empire under the Japanese in the era of the Residency-General, and played the role of Instrument to his death by the Japanese powers, who tried to use this emperor and the Royal Chamber itself. Paradoxically, and regardless of the Japanese intention, Yunghee also played the role of Symbol to oppressed common Koreans. We can confirm this role in the Royal South Tour and the Royal West Tour in 1907, as well as the Royal Tomb Tour in 1917. In the Royal Dance and Music for his 50th Birthday Party, the Instrumental meaning was greater than the Symbolic meaning due the Japanese Government General’s ability to distort these two art forms. It is a general estimation that Yunghee’s political status was that of an Instrument rather than a Symbol in the eras of both the Residency-General and the Government General. The Instrument status is practical, positive, and general, whereas the Symbol status is symbolic, negative, and partial. To the Japanese colonialists, Yunghee was an Instrument, and his status as a Symbol was permitted to a limited extent for common Koreans. However, we can deepen this Symbolic role through the further research.

The congratulatory party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of the birth of King Sunjong took place at Injeongjeon Hall in Changdeokgung Palace on March 25, 1923, during the period of Japanese Occupation. As the royal family would not hold any big events after the demise of King Sunjong in 1926, it was the last event by which one can track changes in the parties of the Joseon Dynasty. This was different from the usual parties of Joseon Dynasty. The changes involved the venue, as it was not held at Jeongjeon (the courtyard for the main building) but instead took place inside Donghaenggak and Injeongjeon placed in the corner, and it also involved the serving luncheon and dinner, with participants seated at two rows of Western-style tables. Such changes distinguished the party from the previous Jinyeon (palatial party) of the Joseon Dynasty. Despite such changes in the royal ceremonies, in contrast to the Korean Empire, specific norms were not adopted in the period of Japanese Occupation. The modernizing changes to the ceremonies between the Korean Empire and the period of Japanese Occupation show how the Joseon tradition developed into the modern tradition. Presumably, there were changes to the music and dance used at the party, but details on such alterations cannot be found. At the event, eleven instrumental pieces－including Taepyeongchunjigok－and seven pieces of Mudong jeongjae (“court dance music with a boy dancer”) were performed. Instrumental music and Mudong jeongjae were presented at both luncheon and dinner. When Mudong jeongjae was performed at the party, it drew attention, as this represented a restoration of a presentation that had been removed from the royal protocol 20 or so years before. Moreover, the students of Yiwangjik aakbu (“Office of the Yi Dynasty’s Ceremonial Music”) were trained to perform for the event, which was significant in that has carried the tradition of Mudong jeongjae up to the present times. Having considered the performance of Mudong jeongjae following the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, Yiwangjik aakbu performed in Kyoto. Moreover, having been performed at the Kyoto presentation, Jangsaengboyeonjimu was learned by a Japanese dancer. Based on this, Miyako Odori was created in Japan. The work was performed at the exposition that not only marked the participation in World Expo but also celebrated the marriage of Hirohito and the 15th anniversary of the Korea－Japan annexation. Aalthough Mudong jeongjae was restored for the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, it was one of the projects that was presumably planned and prepared for such purposes. Despite its changes, the ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, including the party that celebrated the 50th anniversary of King Sunjong’s birth, are highly significant in that they were crucial in carrying traditional Korean music up to the present times. Nevertheless, musicians’ strenuous efforts to carry the traditional music through the period of Japanese Occupation should not be regarded as just one of the musical characteristics of the period or reenacted in an optimistic manner. When considering the court ceremonies during the period of Japanese Occupation, the context of what happened to Yiwangjik aakbu should first understand; this will allow us to determine which parts of the ceremonies are to be carried on and which parts are to be objectively described.

This study investigates the background, contents, and choreographic style of the Mudong (舞童) Jungjae (呈才) performed at the 50th birthday banquet of King Soonjong, the last emperor of the Korean Empire. Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹), Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞), Yeonbaekbokjjimu (演百福之舞), Mugo (舞鼓), Pogurak (抛毬樂), Bosangmu (寶相舞), Suyeonjang (壽延長), Chunaengjeon (春鶯囀), and Cheoyongmu (處容舞) were performed at the banquet held on March 25, 1923, on King Soonjong’s birthday. Among them, Cheoyongmu was excluded from this study, as it was separately studied and performed by Aaksu (雅樂手) and five physically fit Aakseng (雅樂生) students from the first-year class of the Aakdae training school. Thus, this study examines eight Jungjae dances that were performed by Aakseng students who were selected as Mudong. The Korean Empire was colonized by Japan on August 29, 1910; following this, King Soonjong’s daily life was restricted through the control of Iwangjik (李王職), or the Office of the Yi Dynasty. This study examines Jungjae dances that were studied and performed by 11 Aakseng (雅樂生) Mudong; these were hastily put together for the 50th birthday of King Soonjong. Aakseng boys aged 13~19 years, who joined the Aakdae (雅樂隊) training school as the first-year and second-year class in the early winter of 1922. were abruptly enlisted to learn Jungjae dances. After five months, they performed for the king. This launched the dancing careers as Mudong for Aakseng students at the Aakdae training school within Iwangjik. The dances performed at the 50th birthday banquet of King Soonjong were mostly createdin 1828 and 1829. The story of these Jungjae dances included ① the love between husband and wife and ② a wish for the longevity and prosperity of the country. In addition, they comprised ③ entertaining elements that combined a wish for longevity with amusement, completing the broad variety of the dance. By the 29th year of King Gojong’s reign or the Imjin year of 1892, and following their performance at the 41st birthday banquet of King Gojong, the number of dancers for the Mudong Jungjae performance was finalized. The choreographic styles of the eight dances are discussed in greater detail below. The Mudong Jungjae of the Joseon Dynasty is said to have been passed down with great difficulty under political and cultural oppression during the Japanese colonial era. In this study, we propose to lay the groundwork for establishing a proper historical perspective on the dissemination of traditional dances through consideration of their background.